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1. George Herbert, Nicholas Ferrar, and the 'Pious Works' of Little Gidding 2007

   https://ncsu.summon.serialssolutions.com/2.0.0/link/0/eLvHCXMwpV1LbxMxEB5BuXCB8hBdWiqrIE41-7C92UilVVU19BAJKcDZ8vrRFFVpFCf_nxlnl6ZF9NK7tStrPs188_A3AJ8kphS1EIGbtvVcOlfypiwK3jpPWx2Ms8W9Yg6M-rcwadqdfGPy0mY-j7m7sflpRYGLpGXy8dVycnaysT5j9XVmr8k1xNVTeIbhuBymh3yT3iNLNazWewnrkmPEVJ1MqVAiv5z-_kLDXbRe8l7j-U6k6vz1Zn3kH--dQtLoJSz6y6RJFNp_sDmSnycZxKR90Us-Pv7i2_CiI7DsdI24V_DEz17Du3FX9ozsMxv_VWqOb-D7uujOLtB8frE8ZAg9SqcjG3naMH_IzMwxZKHsYE7juOxoekyzYvEonx4fsJtAn0M8s29XjsLsW_g1Ov95dsG7JQ7c0itbjnwrNF5KW7S-cMEj3wnWyBLzGNtI5B8DU7UuqMYVwYaBd01tRSFDhdBCsurFDjAV8LRUvgrCyLo1rQiusqoQVrSlNGUG-3dNpw11bfQkJYRKqAcOYIqOjDCDj72t9Xwt86FTr08JjRDRpKFaNBnskIX09cJemlWM-tY6GfANaOjOEUQt6oFQA_0DeTJGlWFF9Ix4Uga7PXhuD2N6SGJDqnn__x_twvNUXk7zhHuwtVys_AfYInTtJ9T_AawnCfA

   Ransome, Joyce

   George Herbert Journal, Vol. 31, Issue 1, pp. 1 - 19.

   The Valdes translation was not published until 1638, when both Ferrar and Herbert were dead, but its message and the reasons Ferrar and Herbert offered to justify its presentation to an English rea... Read more

   The Valdes translation was not published until 1638, when both Ferrar and Herbert were dead, but its message and the reasons Ferrar and Herbert offered to justify its presentation to an English readership shed some interesting light on the theological views and pastoral purposes of the two friends. [...]placing that work as well as Hygiasticon in the context of developments at Little Gidding will also illuminate the way Ferrar used Herbert's contributions to strengthen its bonds of community and inspire its hope of becoming for contemporaries a "pattern for an adge that needs patterns. While his individualistic and experiential vision of redemption had much in common with Calvinist conversion, it allowed also an Arminian role for human will. [...]Valdes's rather dismissive attitude toward ceremonies and sacraments and the almost antinomian aspects of his "anabaptist spirit" stood in contrast to an Arminian commitment to the sacramental and liturgical "beauty of holiness," a view that Ferrar shared with his friends Lindsell and the Duncons as well as Thomas Jackson.39 Perhaps doctrinal consistency under whatever label is not a helpful measure of the "practicall divinity" of either Ferrar or Herbert or indeed many of their contemporaries. Some of them at least carried on this diet into the following months and became the family, cited in Ferrar's preface to Hygiasticon, who had tried the diet and had found it both easy and beneficial.43 Thus when Ferrar singled out this theme in Valdes, he was anticipating what became a central "pious work" at Little Gidding.44 The Holy Spirit, so central to Valdes, was here working not only to illuminate and mortify individuals but also to strengthen a pattern of community life, which could in turn by its example reach out to the world. [...]the translations of Valdes, Cornaro, and Lessius were but a part, though a vital one, of that collaboration between Herbert and Ferrar that also gave the world after Herbert's death his poetic record of spiritual conflict and consummation. There is no record of earlier gift volumes of harmonies, though the Collet sisters at Gidding in early 1632 presented their married sister Susanna Mapletoft with the first "Story Book" that recorded the early sessions of what the family called their "Little Academy"; see E. Cruwys Sharland, ed., The Story Books of Little Gidding (London: Seeley and Co., 1899), pp. liii-lv. Since Herbert's harmony has failed to survive, it is impossible to know if it was illustrated as all but one of the surviving ones were. Read less

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2. New Perspectives of the Jesuits and Science in China: 1600-1800 2004

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   Elman, Benjamin A

   Bucknell Review, Vol. 47, Issue 2, p. 37.

   [...]the contested nature of the interaction since 1550 between late imperial Chinese and early modern Europeans over the meaning and significance of natural studies is a little known story. Byway ... Read more

   [...]the contested nature of the interaction since 1550 between late imperial Chinese and early modern Europeans over the meaning and significance of natural studies is a little known story. Byway of contrast, most eighteenth-century translations in China were theological works, and Jesuits turned instead to translating Chinese works into European languages.2 The Jesuits in late Ming China saw the "investigation of things" [gewu] and "exhaustively mastering principles" [qiongli] as a necessary way station to the doctrinal transmission of the experience of God to the Chinese they hoped to convert. Because of the physicotheology lurking in the Jesuits teleology of nature, however, the investigation of things was ultimately "to find God" for the Jesuits and "to fathom principles" of the Tao for the Chinese. Because Juan Yuan was a well-placed literati patron of natural studies in the provincial and court bureaucracy, his influential Chouren zhuan integrated the mathematical sciences with evidential studies. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, however, Europeans still sought the technological secrets for silk production, textile weaving, porcelain making, and largescale tea production from the Chinese.30 Chinese literati in turn, before 1800, borrowed from Europe new algebraic notations (of Hindu-Arabic origins), Tychonic cosmology, Euclidean geometry, spherical trigonometry, and arithmetic and trigonometric logarithms from the West.31 Indeed, the epistemological premises of modern Western science were not triumphant in China until the early twentieth century. [...]1900, then, Chinese elites and their Manchu rulers interpreted the transition in early modern Europe-from new forms of scientific knowledge to new modes of industrial power-on their own terms. Read less

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